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For instance, White Paper no. Although economic issues were more frequently addressed during the latter half of the 1980s and 1990s, it was not until White Paper no. One of the objectives of White Paper no. This was, among other measures, to be achieved by an investment in regional film agencies. Furthermore, local and regional authorities have played a significant role in the establishment of regional film agencies, and their involvement was solely argued on an economic basis. In this article, I examine the regionalisation of the Norwegian film sector with the main perspective on the political objectives, of both state and local authorities, that have initiated these developments. What role has the different levels of authority played. How is the funding of these agencies legitimated by the state and by local authorities. What does the state and local government want to achieve by channelling funds into regional film production. I will attempt to answer these questions, as well as discuss how the developments in Norwegian film policy correlate to larger tendencies within cultural policies. What I am particularly interested in is the purpose and meaning ascribed to film policy and the legitimatization of film subsidies. Norske siter med nett-dating will base my arguments on a textual analysis of State Propositions, White Papers and state commissioned reports regarding the film sector. These documents illustrate the changing justifications and priorities within the national film policy. Additionally, I have examined the annual financial statements from both the regional agencies and the Norwegian Film Institute, as well as a recent report on the economic flow of the sector. I have also conducted a series of qualitative interviews with the CEOs of six regional agencies, as well as with one of the initiators of the first regional film fund. I have gathered the empirical data as part of my doctoral thesis work. Thus, the qualitative interviews were conducted with a wider scope than the research questions of this Uforpliktende dating Norges. However, the interviews have provided valuable insights into the current conditions in which these agencies operate, as well as Norske siter med nett-dating the political climate in which Norske siter med nett-dating agencies were created. The main perspective of this article is on explicit political objectives and Norske siter med nett-dating politics, such as measures taken and implemented subsidy schemes. Thus, the political documents will have a higher empirical status than the interviews for any conclusions drawn. Film production is a collaborative effort, both creatively and financially. Most European films are financed by a collection of sources, both private and public. Additionally, many regional agencies are political constructions that precedes the existence of an active film community. As a result, an infusion of film workers from outside the region is required in order to produce a film. In many cases, the affiliation between the production team and the region is limited to a short period, arguably negating any real connection. I will begin the article with a brief outline of the main characteristics of Norwegian and European film policy in order to illustrate the level of centralisation and state involvement prevalent in the film sector. In the following sections I will attempt to answer what role the different levels of authority have played in the regionalisation, how the funding is legitimated and what the authorities hope to achieve by channelling funds into regional film production. Firstly, I will focus on the state in relation to these questions, and secondly, the role of local and regional authorities. Lastly, I will briefly discuss the impact these developments have had on regional film production. I will not evaluate the implemented measures, nor the achievement of the regional agencies, but I will point to a few changes in the sector. One key aspect of the European national film sectors is their dependence on public support and subsidies. Today, all European countries have a film funding system operating at a national level, with the exception of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Belgium, Liechtenstein and Malta2Bosnia and Herzegovina and Belgium have public funding agencies at sub-national level. Malta has prioritized film commissions, whose agenda is to attract foreign film productions to the country through financial incentive schemes. Liechtenstein does not have a funding agency for film as of today. Hollywood has constituted a threat in two key ways. Firstly, there is the enormous power of the American media conglomerates. Public subsidies have been necessary in order for a national film production to survive in its domestic market, or to have any chance of reaching an international market. In this regard, national film policy has been a protectionist scheme, fighting against financially stronger foreign companies. Secondly, there is the threat of cultural dominance. Film is an international medium with shared aesthetics, formal structures and themes, but the influence of Hollywood has been strong in the cementing of these traditions. National film policy is thus concerned with the protection and promotion of national culture, language and identity. In this respect, Norway is no exception. Since the first national film policy was implemented after World War II, its main concern has been the promotion of a distinctive, unified national culture. This is in line with the core values of Norwegian cultural policy going back to the 1800s (Solhjell 2018, p. At the same time, in keeping with the strong ideals of democracy and welfare that developed following World War II, authorities across Europe have tried to decentralise cultural events, artists, cultural funding and authority over cultural policy (Mangset 2018, p. In Norway, the notion of decentralisation played a significant role in cultural policy from the 1970s onwards. Nonetheless, the film sector remained centralised. I will not analyse this issue here, but I will suggest a few reasons why this was the case. This was partly a result of economic realities. Norwegian film production is dependent on state subsidies. Private investors have been involved in a few productions over the years, and different governments have tried different incentives in order to increase the influx of private capital. However, these efforts have not led to sufficient funding, and most films have received some sort of state subsidy. All funding agencies were located in Oslo. Production companies and film workers were thus attracted to the city, ensuring that it remained the axis of all activity. Furthermore, it took several years of lobbying in order for the Norwegian government to assume responsibility for sustaining a national film production. In the aftermath of World War II, a national cinema became part of the symbolical rebuilding of the country. The Proposition also expressed concern with the massive import of foreign films. Active proponents, in particular Kristoffer Aamot, were at the time fighting for better terms for film production, and in a key article in Arbeiderbladet in 1946 he states that the government has a cultural obligation to facilitate Norwegian-language films (Iversen 2018, p. As in the rest of Europe, the threat of Hollywood felt real, and the government recognised that the film sector could not be revived without state subsidies. In these early discourses on film policy, the focus was on building and sustaining national film production. The Norwegian film sector was small and funding was scarce. It was rational to centralise and consolidate such a fragile sector. The regional sectors across Europe have had a significant growth from the mid-2000s onwards.
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